Charles Krauthammer wrote a review of Munich in January 2006 in the Jewish World Review that I just happened to come across that, for me, sums up why I am so fed up with the current political period.
http://www.jewishworldreview.com/0106/krauthammer011306.php3
Charles argues that because Spielberg's movie is implicitly critical of the Israeli assassination policy -- on moral and strategic grounds -- that Munich is anti-Israel and pro-Palestinian terrorist.
It is an intellectually dishonest criticism of Munich that so sickens me with its partisanship and the current hate and animus and ugliness amongst both liberals and conservatives towards one another, right now, that I just can't stomach the dishonesty of it anymore.
Liberals and conservatives have been so busy in the last 6 years playing games with radicalism, flanking, and other forms of political intimidation and warfare and muscling their way to power, that I just think most liberals and conservatives and most political people, generally, just can't even keep track of their own dishonesty anymore.
And, sadly, it's undermined most things decent about liberalism and conservativism as political and moral philosophies and ideas.
And Charles' unfair and intellectually dishonest criticism of Munich embodies that failure for people to even keep track of their own lies to themselves, anymore.
Spielberg's film is not the final comment on Israel or Palestine or assassination as a national policy or counterterrorism or any of these topics. Nor does it aspire to be. Stephen Spielberg says, personally, at the beginning of the DVD version that I saw, that he is looking to use the film to initiate dialogue about the policies between Israel and Palestine and assassination policy as a part of those policies to help bring some resolution to the situation in this region.
But what Spielberg's movie does do very clearly and well is to point out the clear failure of the assassination policy to protect Israelis. After every Palestinian involved with the 1972 massacre of 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics, more Israelis are killed rather than less in retribution. The more Israelis use bloodshed to end the conflict with their less honest neighbors, the more Israelis are killed. It's a clear pattern that Spielberg paints well.
And the truth is that, like his liberal counterparts when they muscle for their own purposes, Charles Krauthhammer refuses to face that failure.
There is not one major important international policy issue that we face, today, that I can say definitively is an American or Israeli success with regard to terrorism (other than the Belfast Agreement in Northern Ireland which has held together as a sustainable peace agreement throughout this period; a policy that was negotiated successfully by David Trimble and Gerry Adams , and under the leadership of Tony Blair and Bill Clinton).
The Iraq war is on the brink of civil war and well out of the hands of its American initiators. North Korea and Iran are clearly, by any objective standard, pursuing nuclear weapons more today rather than less because of American posturing and intimidation and threats around the issue. Lebanese and Arab peoples in the Middle East clearly hold more animus rather than less after the invasion of Lebanon, and none of the soldiers kidnapped, to my knowledge, have been returned as of yet.
If the current period is a referendum on the use of maximum force to leverage and intimidate one's way to resolution of important issues, including terrorism, totalitarianism, civil war and wars of self-determination, and any of the most serious violence and bloodshed that the world faces, right now, the clear verdict on that idea is that it is a failed one. The major victory that can be claimed during this period -- the pullout of Syria from Lebanon -- is largely due, from the series of events that took place leading up to the pullout, to the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon where Lebanese citizens and representatives protested in mass against their Syrian captors in view of the link between the assassination of their former Prime Minister and the Syrian government.
If the current period is to answer the question, "Do political and moral leaders in good faith committed to principles of peace and non-violence, as much as possible, get better results than political and moral leaders committed to violence, maximum force, intimidation, and bullying to achieve their ends?" the clear negative answer to the question that, at the very least should be answered at this point is "Those who use violence and intimidation and fear, primarily, to achieve their ends, and do not respect democratic ideals, institutions, norms, and commitments clearly fail more often than they succeed." I think we can also answer the question positively that those who use the least amount of force and aggression possible and only when absolutely necessary achieve their ends more successfully. But, at the very least, the last six years should be a clear demonstration that the opposite principles are clearly failed and wrong-headed.
And Spielberg's film is one of the most brilliant films I have ever seen to make that point clear with film rather than just with words.
And Charles' problem, at this point, is that he just can't face the failure of policies he's advocated.
But it's not just Charles. It's liberal advocacy groups. It's conservative advocacy groups. It's Democrats. It's Republicans. It's Hamas, Hezbollah, and Islamic Jihad. It's Israel's leadership and American leadership. It's too many liberal and conservative leaders and advocates to count.
There are notable exceptions.
Tony Blair, the liberal Prime Minister of Great Britain, is the statesman of the hour, as far as I am concerned, restarting negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians, even during this dark hour. Jacques Chirac, the conservative President of France, has demonstrated an impressive commitment to both democratic engagement and a free economy and society that ranks him as a very important democratic leader of the day. Gerhardt Schroeder's ability to get over the arrogant uniltateral power-maneuvering of American President George Bush to join President Bush in trying to secure Iraq with German soldiers was an impressive move by a European leader. And Angela Merkl's ability to stand by the American President while his policy fumbles and to still be critical of its failures marks her as a more genuine conservative leader in Europe than the President's conservative defenders in America. And Mahmoud Abbas, despite too many anti-Israel and pro-terrorist utterances to be counted as the most serious democratic statesman, has been the proactive Palestinian peace partner that Israel has ever encountered.
But the partisan fighting and power-gambles have so deteriorated the political dialogue that a conservative like Charles Krauthammer cannot even consider the implicit and honest arguments of a director like Spielberg because to do so means to face the failure of the general commitment to retribution and maximum force and aggression possible that Charles shares with the Israeli governments that engaged in this failed and foolish policy.
Here is the bottom-line:
If we cannot face the clear failure of aggression and force to resolve our most serious conflicts -- moral, intellectual, political, violent, and otherwise -- rather than as a temporary method of dealing with immediate and clear threats to our physical security that has long-term consequences, absent trust in our intentions with the use of force and aggression, we will face this cycle of conflict, force, aggression, and violence till the end of humanity until we face that failure.
If we cannot face the counterproductive nature of our use of force as a means of guaranteeing our desires and the corrupting nature of power to imbue us with a sense of our own righteousness and a willingness to rationalize virtually anything and everything in the name of that righteousness, then we will live with the lack of resolution of our most serious problems and conflicts and righteous indignation without corresponding success in resolving the source of that indignation until we do.
Meaning, we will either face our failures or live with those failures until we do.
Louis Armstrong, -- like Martin Luther King when he taught about love and compassion as the basis for progress on race and poverty issues in America, like Robert Kennedy when he talked about love and compassion the day that Martin Luther King was killed, like Mohatma Ghandi who served as the example for Dr. King, like Henry David Thoreau whose Civil Disobedience was the inspiration for Ghandi, like Jesus and Buddha before them who had taught about the moral and spiritual advantages of a philosophy of love and compassion and forgiveness and experiencing pain as a natural part of life -- is so right in the introduction to What a Wonderful World that he gave for the 1970 live version that I first heard on The Fabulous Louis Armstrong when I was in graduate school.
"All I'm saying is see what a wonderful world it would be if only we'd give it a chance. Love, baby, love. That's the secret. Yeah. If lots more of us loved each other, we'd solve lots more problems. And man, this world would be Odessa."
Armstrong was speaking to young people in 1970 who challenged his song with the notion that the world could hardly be wonderful with so much war and hunger and pollution. A refrain that we could easily repeat today, and many, many liberals and conservatives clearly still do.
But Louis was right. It is our lack of love and compassion and respect for one another that is our most serious obstacle to resolution of the most serious problems of humanity, not our lack of fear and force and aggression. And the last 6 years should serve as a clear verdict on the failure of fear and force and aggression to inspire the most critical changes that humanity is in need of to anyone honestly evaluating that legacy.
Most awful to me is how dishonest the will to power makes all those engaged in it with each other and with themselves. It very much helps me appreciate the commitment of intellectuals and academics to an honest discussion, including and especially serious and controversial political issues.
Dishonest forces persistently exploit the failure of decent and moderate people to arrive at final answers on all problems that require on-going discussion, debate, thought, and consideration to arrive at better answers so that they can justify efforts that are explicitly intellectually dishonest and destructive.
And the explicity dishonest of these efforts is supported by the implicit dishonesty on all of our parts that thought and engagement do not matter and that force and repression solves problems rather than serving as the primary obstacle to their resolution.
In fact, it is so clear that repression is the primary obstacle since it is repressive and violent problems such as genocide and terrorism that figure as humanity's most serious unresolved problems in the 21st century.
And the larger problem that makes this possible is the utter foolishness of most people to believe that one repressive force or another will save them from the dangers that the repressive and inequitable forces of the world have to offer.
And the general obstacle that we all face in making the steps forward that would lead to genuine progress is facing that failure. The biggest obstacle to progress, right now, is not, at all, the absence of the right laws or the rule of law. It is our failure to face the failures of force and aggression to solve our most serious problems.
Our failure to take conscience and thought and intelligent engagement and the freedom to develop them as seriously as they deserve is the most serious failure that humanity faces right now and has faced since its beginning.
And our failure to face our failures will not make them go away. It will mean more failures of policy, conscience, and thought until we face those failures.
If we want resolution of our most serious problems, we will need to face our failures. If we cannot, we can expect more until we do.
To face those failures will need forgiveness and an acknowledgement of our humanity.
And that is the essence of our humanity and of our progress.
That is why love and compassion and forgiveness is the heart of our humanity and of human progress.
Absent love, compassion, and forgiveness, there is no real progress. No matter how much we try to pretend otherwise.
Because love and compassion and forgiveness and our ever expanding commitment to our own personal humanity and the broader family of humanity in the world around us is the essence of that progress. As we fail to expand that commitment, we fail to make real progress.
And facing that failure with all the love and compassion and forgiveness and openheartedness and openmindedness we can muster is the essence of our common humanity and the essence of our common future together.
Love,
Ben