Monday, May 12, 2008

Intractable problems

You know what always strikes me about many seemingly intractable problems, where people have become convinced that perhaps no solutions exist?

They so often happen around issues in life where people cannot even conceive that they may be wrong or not understand well enough the problem at hand.

And it, generally, in such areas of life where people are wrong or do not adequately understand the problem or possible solutions, at hand.

Crazy, huh?

If you need a rule, here it is.

If you're convinced that you're right about something, and you can't even consider that you might be wrong, you probably are. It's just about the most predictable fact of human existence. Those areas where we are convinced, without a moment of hesitation, that we are right are usually the places where our blindspots or our emotional defenses shape our outlook and our reason has been left in the dust.

Millions of people have died as a consequence of this most predictable fact of human existence over the course of human history. In fact, I would venture to bet that when you set aside disease, natural causes, and other causes for death outside of human control, more people have likely died because of this fact than likely any other reason in human history. Nazism, Communism, religious wars, civil wars, genocide, imperialism, nationalism, militarism of so many stripes, and so many many of the bigger killers in human history owe much of their power to this persistent problem in human history.

If there is a problem that perpetually undermines humanity, self-righteousness and the pursuit of power over others is right up there, if not the most serious problem we face and have ever faced.

If you can't even imagine that you might be wrong, you probably are. It's one of the most consistent principles I've ever watched play out in life.

And it is not, in fact, generally, our problems that are intractable.

It is us.

We are the problem we seek to solve, generally.

And that is the beauty of freedom. It offers us the space to figure that out, better, as long as we're not physically hurting others. And even then, people might need some space.

In the meantime, there is only one person that each of us needs to look to for responsibility.

Here's a hint: it's not George Bush.

Palestinian statehood and a sustainable peace

This is one of the most reasonable columns I have ever read about Palestinian statehood, Middle East peace, and the Palestinian right of return.

Priority: Statehood

"In the spring of 1948, my father, George Kuttab, and his brother Qostandi fled Musrara, a Jerusalem neighborhood just outside the walled city, after their sister Hoda's husband was killed in front of her and their children. When Dad used to tell us about the Naqba, the catastrophe that befell Palestinians in 1948, he never talked politics or hatred. He would laugh as he told us how his brother secured their home near Damascus Gate. To assure his mother and brother that the house (in what is now Israeli west Jerusalem) would be safe, my uncle joked that he had double-locked the door, turning the heavy metal key twice. He took that key with him to Zarqa, Jordan, expecting to be able to use it again one day.

As Palestinians look back on the 60 years since they became refugees and Israelis celebrate the 60th anniversary of their statehood, it is important to take stock of Palestinian aspirations...

...Palestinian refugees who have lived away from their homes for 60 years have established themselves elsewhere. Few have a sincere desire to live in today's Israel. Respected Palestinian pollster Khalil Shikaki found in 2003 that only 10 percent of Palestinian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza Strip were willing to move to the areas that today constitute Israel.

What Palestinians want is for Israel to admit its historic and moral role in creating the refugee problem and its moral responsibility to them. Such an admission by a courageous Israeli leader would satisfy, and neutralize, many Palestinians who hold their keys and demand the literal right of return. As part of a bilateral agreement, surely Israel would allow divided Palestinian families to reunite with relatives who stayed in what became Israel after 1948.

These or similar suggestions cannot be implemented alone. They must be part of a comprehensive agreement that includes real Israeli withdrawal and the creation of a sovereign, viable Palestinian state with territorial contiguity within the 1967 borders.

My father, aunt and uncle all passed away never having had the opportunity to return to their homes in Musrara. Yet their absence has not diluted the yearning of Palestinians for an independent homeland in Palestine. That yearning lives on in my children and their grandchildren and in our people around the world."

Agreed. What is needed, at this point, after Camp David, is an assurance for Israel that peace negotiations will lead to a resolution and not more demands into perpetuity.

What has always been needed between Palestinians and Israelis is leaders who are genuinely committed to peace and not to salving old wounds or leveraging for better deals.

Mahmoud Abbas and Ehud Olmert could be those leaders. So could other moderate leaders in Palestine and Israel.

The question is when they will finally commit to peace, for real, and take the critical steps, including an end to the occupation and security for both Palestine and Israel, to get there.

What is needed is real leadership. We shall see if anyone has any to offer.

Unless he has better ideas

Edward Luttwak, of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, has an interesting article on the possibilities of an Obama presidency, this morning, in the International Herald Tribune.

Apostate president?

"As the son of the Muslim father, Obama was born a Muslim under Muslim law as it is universally understood. It makes no difference that, as Obama has written, his father said he renounced his religion.

Likewise, under Muslim law based on the Koran his mother's Christian background is irrelevant.

Of course, as most Americans understand it, Obama is not a Muslim. He chose to become a Christian, and indeed has written convincingly to explain how he arrived at his choice and how important his Christian faith is to him.

His conversion, however, was a crime in Muslim eyes; it is "irtidad" or "ridda," usually translated from the Arabic as "apostasy," but with connotations of rebellion and treason. Indeed, it is the worst of all crimes that a Muslim can commit, worse than murder (which the victim's family may choose to forgive).

With few exceptions, the jurists of all Sunni and Shiite schools prescribe execution for all adults who leave the faith not under duress; the recommended punishment is beheading at the hands of a cleric, although in recent years there have been both stonings and hangings. (Some may point to cases in which lesser punishments were ordered - as with some Egyptian intellectuals who have been punished for writings that were construed as apostasy - but those were really instances of supposed heresy, not explicitly declared apostasy as in Obama's case.)

It is true that the criminal codes in most Muslim countries do not mandate execution for apostasy (although a law doing exactly that is pending before Iran's Parliament and in two Malaysian states). But as a practical matter, in very few Islamic countries do the governments have sufficient authority to resist demands for the punishment of apostates at the hands of religious authorities.

For example, in Iran in 1994 the intervention of Pope John Paul II and others won a Christian convert a last-minute reprieve, but the man was abducted and killed shortly after his release. Likewise, in 2006 in Afghanistan, a Christian convert had to be declared insane to prevent his execution, and he was still forced to flee to Italy.

Because no government is likely to allow the prosecution of a President Obama - not even those of Iran and Saudi Arabia, the only two countries where Islamic religious courts dominate over secular law - another provision of Muslim law is perhaps more relevant: It prohibits punishment for any Muslim who kills any apostate, and effectively prohibits interference with such a killing. At the very least, that would complicate the security planning of state visits by President Obama to Muslim countries, because the very act of protecting him would be sinful for Islamic security guards.

More broadly, most citizens of the Islamic world would be horrified by the fact of Obama's conversion to Christianity once it became widely known - as it would, no doubt, should he win the White House. This would compromise the ability of governments in Muslim nations to cooperate with the United States in the fight against terrorism, as well as American efforts to export democracy and human rights abroad.

That an Obama presidency would cause such complications in our dealings with the Islamic world is not likely to be a major factor with American voters, and the implication is not that it should be.

But of all the well-meaning desires projected on Obama, the hope that he would decisively improve relations with the world's Muslims is the least realistic."

That last argument would be true, unless his policies are better, that is. That's why it's so important to keep our eyes on the ball and engage in a more substantive policy debate than these foolish little diversions like who is the most charismatic.

Whose policies would be better for the world and for America? Which ideas might be better? What policies and ideas have these candidates not been thinking about that might be constructive? And, most importantly, what policies and ideas have all of us not been or been thinking about that might be constructive?

The fact that we are focussed elsewhere is a sign of our arrogance. It is a presumption that we know more than we do about the challenges we face. And it is that arrogance that is undermining democratic progress and America's role in that in the world, today.

A humble commitment to an honest and genuine discussion about policies, ideas, and what might or might be be good and effective versions of either is where our focus needs to be today and always, to be frank.

It really is better ideas that matter in the world. Because it ideas that offer us some vision of where we are going amidst of world of perpetual uncertainty.

Liberty is one of the more important ideas that we have lost sight of recently. Liberal democracy, generally, is an idea that we have subsumed to our more naked and self-centered ambitions, lately. And much of the talk of law and rules has been a function of this loss of focus and a rationalization for power and a poor presumption that it can do more than it really can do in this world.

A President Obama or a President McCain, like a President Sarkozy or a Prime Minister Brown or a President Calderon or a Chancelor Merkel, might have leadership to offer, in the form of better ideas, better policies, and a genuine commitment to liberal and democratic values, if they choose to engage the discussion and debate about those ideas, policies, and commitments more honestly.

That is the choice that America and all liberal democracies face, these days.

To choose to do so would certainly be wiser and have better consequences for those with an eye on American leadership. It would sort through ideas to find better, more honest, and effective policies. It would engage differences honestly and offer more opportunity for humility in the face of the options and our understanding to choose between them. To choose otherwise would be foolish and have consequences, as well (and already does).

Perhaps America is ready to make a better choice with its elections.

But, if not, there are consequences for that, as well.