Have we achieved our goals?
I think it's appropriate that Haaretz brings us this bit of sanity amidst a paranoid and somewhat dangerous moment for the Israeli and American governments as they float threats of military invasion and press for tough and largely counterproductive action against Iran and North Korea, and never seem daunted by failure or even willing to consider that perhaps they have chosen the wrong path.
It's appropriate because it was an Israeli diplomat that once said on a documentary on the founding of Israel I once watched something to the effect that "Governments try all the wrong options first before they get to the right one."
And I have to say that I never, in my lifetime, quite witnessed a political moment when that observation about government policy was more true, by my lights, than today and as it concerns Israel's and America's policies vis a vis Iran and North Korea. No matter how many times they make the same mistake -- provoking both governments more with threats and tough action, both countries clearly pursuing nuclear weapons more ambitiously the more they are threatened, overriding each country's self-determined right to defense policy, no matter how paranoid and dangerous and provocative that policy may look to us and may be in reality -- Israel, America, and those who agree with their policies just keep foolishly taking the same path that has made the situation with both countries so much worse in just a few years, by any objective measure.
Neil Ferguson, on the other hand, makes the defensive argument for that so clearly failed policy, by my lights, ignoring the concerns of Russia and China and, as the Bush Administration did with France and Germany over the course of the Iraq War, impugning bad motives to people who think their policies might likely be counterproductive (as the Iraq War has proven to be, in so many ways). No matter how much those who disagree with forceful action and threats make clear that they're concern is one of effectiveness of the action, hawks and other advocates of a more forceful foreign policy can just never get their heads around the admittedly complicated but nevertheless important notion that perhaps aggression and force often prove counterproductive, over time, rather than more effective (necessitating, I believe, a commitment to the least possible necessary aggression; least, possible, and necessary being the crux of this very thorny question, right now). And the only way that the counterproductiveness and ineffectiveness of a more threatening and forceful non-proliferation policy towards North Korea and Iran could be missed, I think, at this point -- because the reality is just so plain, by any objective measure -- is out of a defensive attachment to a more forceful policy, no matter how much it fails.
The Soviets went for 70 years with this foolish attachment to bad policy. The Nazis were convinced it would help them conquer the world, only to lose in battle to their more liberal and democratic neighbors, in league with their Communists neighbors to the North. Castro and Cuba have remained attached to this failed philosophy for almost half a century. And the governments of Iran and North Korea govern with such philosophies, regularly, in ways that are repugnant to freedom-loving peoples of the West.
But for some reason, too many in the West still romanticize the capacity to force change more than it has proven capable of delivering.
So what distinguishes the use of force among democratic countries like the U.S., Britain, France, Germany, and the like and the non-democratic countries like North Korea or authoritarian democracies like Iran?
We are more liberal in our democratic commitments. Meaning, we have more freedom. Meaning we use less force. And why we would not take seriously the principles that underly that reality is indecipherable to me, except that we are convinced, in some arrogant way, that we have struck "the right balance" between force and freedom.
What liberal democracies need is a greater appreciation both for their freedom and for more genuine democratic engagement (meaning, we listen to the concerns of our partners in democratic institutions like the United Nations, the U.N. Security Council, NATO, etc. rather than arrogantly assuming that the only good motives are the ones that we have monopolies over) and for democratic principles like self-determination (especially when it comes to the defense policy of a sovereign nation and people, as we would very much expect ourselves). Can you imagine the U.S. rolling over if the European Union demanded that we stop building nuclear weapons or if the U.N. Security Council passed resolutions calling for tough sanctions on the U.S. if it does not scale back it's arsenal? Of course not. We just assume that because we think we know best how the world should be ordered, then our demands for the order we deem best be met, no matter how unreasonable such demands would seem if they were directed at us.
Luckily, democracy has no such requirements for agreement or unanimity. Democracy necessitates, first and foremost, honest and open and good faith engagement of our disagreements. Russia and China, or South Korea, would be remiss in their democratic responsibilities to just roll over for U.S. demands when they have legitimate and I think, ultimately, accurate concerns about the counterproductivity of U.S. policies. We are damned lucky that they are around to check our hubris, frankly. And the less proponents of tough policy engage the disagreement honestly, the more they deserve to be engaged and ignored in their persistent whining that everyone doesn't agree with them and checked until and as they begin to engage the disagreement more honestly.
The U.S. government is not in bad faith. And there is no reason to suspect, any more than the U.S. Government, that the Russians and the Chinese are in bad faith in their concerns (even as their governments do not take nearly seriously enough democratic institutions and commitments; neither do we, truth be told, without having to equivocate the stronger, more mature and intellectually and institutionally diverse democracy in the United States with the totalitarian rule of Communists in China or the autocratic democratic rule of Vladimir Putin in Russia).
The virtue of democracy is that it checks our hubris in our certainty about right policy and creates both an ethic and institutions that challenge us to consider the ideas of those we disagree with us. Particularly because we may be wrong and they may be right. It certaintly has been true of me as often as not in my own lifetime. And is true of anyone who is intellectually honest; and conversely is untrue only when people are not engaged in democratic conversations with a genuine commitment to intellectual honesty.
And in this particular case, as amazing as it may seem to the people and governments of mature democracies in the West, Russia, China, and South Korea likely have the better thinking about how to handle North Korea's nuclear proliferation. Similarly, those willing and able to face the failure of Israel's recent incursion in Lebanon are most likely right about the need to recognize, as Haaretz recognizes in its article, that a unilateral future is not an option. Neither is a hegemenous or quasi-hegemenous future.
The only future available to us that offers any potential for mutual peace, prosperity, freedom, liberal democratic government, cultures, institutions, and commitments is one that takes its own democratic principles -- like self-determination and intellectual diversity and engagement -- seriously rather than as afterthoughts to the pursuits of governments in power and those with particular agendas.
None of the players involved with the current dramas on the international scene are acting with total good faith or a total commitment to high ideals.
And that is all the more reason to hold them accountable to the highest democratic ideals, as they act less than nobly.
And most importantly, that means us, the citizens and governments in more mature liberal democratic countries, holding ourselves more accountable those principles, namely the self-governing need to hold ourselves to our highest values and ideals if self-government and self-determination are to be meaningful principles in a free and liberal democracy.
And the basic foundation for those ideals is intellectual honesty.
The most honest question for us to ask ourselves with respect to Iraq, Iran, and North Korea -- the Axis of Evil -- right now, is, "Have we succeeded in achieving our goals?"
And if the answer is no, as it clearly is, we must consider alternative options and better paths.
Love,
Ben